These models of masculine ideology have been criticised because they fail to account for relational aspects of masculinity (Bergman, 1995). Masculine ideologies are multiple and vary between people and groups. They are constantly changing based on the meanings constructed through relationships with ourselves, others and the world (Kimmel, 1994, 2000). Pattman, Phoenix & Frosh (2005) carried out a large scale qualitative research project with 245, 11-14 year-old boys from twelve London secondary schools. They interviewed boys individually, and in mixed and single sex groups. In the single sex groups boys displayed and performed versions of masculinities and positioned themselves in opposition to versions of femininity. In mixed gender groups they were able to challenge inconsistencies between masculinity and behaviour, whilst during individual interviews they spoke more movingly about relationships, emotions and difficulties associated with the masculine self. Although multiple masculinities exist there appears to be a more dominant form of masculinity ideology, which even if people do not ascribe to, they appear to measure themselves against (Pattman et al., 2005; Frosh, Phoenix & Pattman, 2002; O’Brien, Hunt & Hart, 2005; Timlin-Scalera et al., 2003). In a grounded theory study of help seeking in white male high school students from middle to upper income backgrounds, Timlin-Scalera et al. (2003) described how the need to fit in dictated help seeking behaviours in this population. This was similar to findings from focus groups with men from the UK (O’Brien et al., 2005). Pattman et al. (2005) proposed that certain aspects of hegemonic masculinity functioned as a method of social regulation in the young boys they interviewed. Even though many of the boys did not ascribe to these values (particularly during individual interviews) they often measured themselves and others against them.